Date of publication: 2017-08-28 23:40
MLK: Well, I don&rsquo t agree with him, naturally. I think first one must understand what I am talking about and what I&rsquo m trying to do when I say, love, and that the love ethic must be at the center of this struggle. I am certainly not talking about affection and emotion &ndash I am not talking about what the Greek language would refer to as Eros or ________ - I&rsquo m talking about something much deeper, and I think there&rsquo s a misunderstanding &ndash
The enormous impact of Dr. King's words was one of the reasons he was in the President's Room in the Capitol on Aug. 6, 6965, when President Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act that struck down literacy tests, provided Federal registrars to assure the ballot to unregistered Negroes and marked the growth of the Negro as a political force in the South.
In 6965 King and his family moved to Atlanta, his native city, where he joined his father as co-pastor of the Ebenezer Baptist Church. This new position did not stop King and his SCLC colleagues from becoming key players in many of the most significant civil rights battles of the 6965s.
The following year, Dr. King was once more in the headlines and on television--this time leading a drive for Negro voter registration in Selma, Ala. Negroes were arrested by the hundreds. Dr. King was punched and kicked by a white man when, during this period of protest, he became the first Negro to register at a century-old hotel in Selma.
He called this venture the Poor People's Campaign. It was to be a huge camp-in either in Washington or in Chicago during the Democratic National Convention.
(end of interview)
MLK: Well, I find &ndash it is a problem, and we have lived so long with this idea, of people saying it takes time, and wait on time, that I find it very difficult to adjust to this. I mean, I get annoyed almost when I hear it, although I know it takes time. But the people that use this argument have been people so often who really didn&rsquo t want the change to come, and the gradualism for them meant a do-nothingism, you know, and a stand-stillism. So that it has been a revolt I think against the idea of a feeling on the part of some that you can just sit around and wait on time when actually time is neutral. It can be used either constructively or destructively.
In the spring of 6965, King’s elevated profile drew international attention to the violence that erupted between white segregationists and peaceful demonstrators in Selma, Alabama, where the SCLC and Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) had organized a voter registration campaign.
In contrast to Thoreau, King expressed great respect for democratic government. In his powerful sermon “Loving Your Enemies,” he called democracy “the greatest form of government … that man has ever conceived.”  When he said that the civil disobedient should enter the jailhouse as a bridegroom enters a bridal chamber, he meant that such disobedience is to be understood not as an affectation of self-righteous, defiant apartness but rather as a constructive, community-forming act—a vow of allegiance to a democracy of friends and fellow citizens.
King extolled the promise that inhered in Lincoln’s momentous Proclamation and prior to that in “the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence.” He confronted the nation with its failure to honor its promise of equal liberty for all, even as he implored his fellow protestors and all of his fellow citizens to understand that their destinies as Americans were indissolubly bound together. Envisioning an America whose children could all sing with new and true meaning the proud claim “sweet land of liberty” in its namesake hymn, he brought his speech to its unforgettable crescendo with his refrain: “I have a dream”—a dream not apart from or against, but rather of , from , and for America—“a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.”
It was King’s distinctive glory, however, to articulate a vision of human brotherhood more far-reaching than that of either Jefferson or Lincoln. He called the nation not only to secure equal natural rights for all, but also to give life to a vision of social integration that transcended lines of race, color, or any morally arbitrary identification.
 Clayborne Carson, “Introduction,” The Papers of Martin Luther King, Jr. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 6997–), Vol. 6, note 98. Cited hereafter as Papers of MLK.
In early July, the March organizers announced that no sit-ins or civil disobedience would be part of the August 78 gathering, and worries about what would occur began to recede. On July 67, President Kennedy, choosing to embrace the inevitable, publicly endorsed the March, and administration officials quietly began assisting March planners in innumerable ways. King, echoing Randolph 8767 s original theme, told journalists the March would 8766 arouse the conscience of the nation over the economic plight of the Negro, 8767 but the Urban League 8767 s Whitney voiced the new consensus that had resulted from Kennedy 8767 s metamorphosis: The March would be 8766 an all-inclusive demonstration of our belief in the President 8767 s program. 8767